Good morning. We're covering the reasons that Trump has avoided legal penalties for 2020 — as well as campus protests, Senate races and risqué movies.
Delay, delay, delayIt now seems likely that Donald Trump will be able to run for president this year without having faced any legal penalties for his effort to overturn the last presidential election. To many of his supporters, of course, this outcome is just. But it is also striking. Most Americans believe that Trump committed serious crimes, polls show. He chose not to order the authorities to stop a violent attack on the Capitol, even when his vice president was in danger. And he directed state election officials to "find" him votes. Even so, Congress did not sanction him, and neither of the criminal trials related to his actions may even start before the 2024 election. In today's newsletter, I'll explain how this happened, by focusing on the three crucial groups of people: Republican senators, Democratic (or Democrat-appointed) prosecutors and Republican appointees on the Supreme Court. 1. Republican senatorsThe simplest path for addressing Trump's attempts to overthrow an election was always in Congress. Congress has the power to impeach officials and bar them from holding office again, and it has used this power before. Most criminal convictions, by contrast, do not prevent somebody from holding office. In early 2021, Congress seemed to be on the verge of barring Trump. The House impeached him, with 10 Republicans joining every Democrat in voting to do so. In the Senate, convicting him would have required at least 17 Republicans. That seemed plausible. Mitch McConnell, the Republican leader, signaled that he supported impeachment. As people close to him told The Times, McConnell believed that the process would make it easier to purge Mr. Trump from the party. Other Republican senators sent similar signals. Ultimately, though, they backed down. Trump remained popular with Republican voters, and many senators feared confronting him. McConnell played the central role. He delayed the trial until after Trump left office — and some senators then justified their acquittal votes by saying Trump was no longer president. Seven Republicans, a mix of moderates and conservatives, did vote to convict: Richard Burr of North Carolina, Bill Cassidy of Louisiana, Susan Collins of Maine, Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, Mitt Romney of Utah, Ben Sasse of Nebraska and Pat Toomey of Pennsylvania. Others who were witheringly critical of Trump in private — like Roy Blunt of Missouri and Rob Portman of Ohio — voted to acquit, making it possible for Trump to become the Republican nominee this year. 2. Democratic prosecutorsAfter the Senate acquitted Trump, the next focus became the criminal investigations of his postelection actions. But these investigations moved slowly. At the Justice Department, Attorney General Merrick Garland and his deputy, Lisa Monaco, worried that an indictment of Trump would appear partisan and told aides to proceed with extreme caution. Their caution was reminiscent of Robert Mueller's decision as special counsel in 2019 not to announce a conclusion about whether Trump had broken the law during his 2016 campaign — even after Mueller presented such evidence. In both cases, top prosecutors were hoping to remain above the political fray. To some Justice Department officials working for Garland and Monaco, this was an impossible goal in today's political atmosphere. As The Washington Post put it: "Some prosecutors below them chafed, feeling top officials were shying away from looking at evidence of potential crimes by Trump and those close to him." The F.B.I. did not open a probe into election interference for more than a year, and the Justice Department did not charge Trump until August 2023. The investigation, as The Times described, was methodical, slow and at times dysfunctional. The one state prosecution for election interference, in Georgia, has also been chaotic. Last year, Fani Willis, the district attorney in Fulton County, filed a sprawling indictment involving 18 defendants, which made a speedy trial impossible. Willis also assigned the case to a lawyer she was secretly dating, causing further delays. 3. Republican justicesEven with the Justice Department's go-slow approach, Trump's federal trial for election interference had a chance to finish before Election Day, but the Supreme Court intervened. It did so in a way that caused several delays. First, the justices declined to hear Trump's appeal — in which he claimed that presidents are immune from prosecution — on the expedited schedule that Jack Smith, the Justice Department's special counsel, requested. Then the justices did agree to hear the case. And during oral arguments last week, the Republican-appointed majority suggested it would issue a broad ruling setting a new precedent, which could take months. On their own, each of these decisions can be defended. The overall approach, however, is very different from the one the court took in 2000 during Bush v. Gore. Then, the justices acted urgently, recognizing the political calendar, and said that their decision was a narrow one, applying only to a single election. This time, as Justice Neil Gorsuch put it, they seek a ruling "for the ages." Critics have pointed out that in both 2000 and 2024, Republican-appointed justices chose an approach that benefited the Republican presidential nominee. A fast, narrow ruling in 2000 stopped the vote count in Florida and let George W. Bush take office. A slow, broad ruling in 2024 may push the start of Trump's federal trial past Election Day. All these decisions — by senators, prosecutors and justices — have played into Trump's central legal strategy: delay. It's a strategy he used to fight investigations during his business career, and it seems to have worked again in this campaign. And in New York: The one trial that has moved ahead — involving Trump's payment of hush money in 2016 — resumes on Tuesday. Related: Trump's trial could bring consequences for his words. That's a rarity, Maggie Haberman and Jonah Bromwich write.
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Littleton: How a mural of a blooming iris and dandelions tore a small New Hampshire town apart. Small gestures: Read how to support a friend who is getting divorced. Tourism: A semi-secret web of tunnels beneath London, once used for espionage and as bomb shelters, could soon be open to the public. Retirement: Some seniors are checking into faith-based communities — despite lacking religious belief. Now, relax: Want to try a sound bath? Experts discuss the health benefits. Dinosaur: A giant velociraptor relative may have been discovered, paleontologists suggest. Metropolitan Diary: An accidental act of recycling. Lives Lived: Robbi Mecus was a forest ranger who helped foster an L.G.B.T.Q. climbing community. She died after falling about 1,000 feet from a peak in Denali National Park and Preserve in Alaska. She was 52.
N.B.A.: The Minnesota Timberwolves finished a sweep of the Phoenix Suns with a 122-116 win. M.L.B.: Nike will alter its controversial new uniforms for next season after criticism from players, according to a memo. W.N.B.A.: Candace Parker, a women's basketball legend, announced her retirement after 16 years in the league, a run that includes three championships and two MVPs.
In the 2000s, movie studios moved away from erotic movies like "Basic Instinct" and "Cruel Intentions" that were popular in the 1980s and '90s in favor of animation and PG-13 franchises. The companies were interested in genres that could capture a global audience — namely in China — and sell merchandise. Now, as intimacy coordinators proliferate and Chinese audiences have cooled on Hollywood, sex in movies is back, with films like "Challengers" and "Saltburn." Brooks Barnes explores the trend. More on culture
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